[News] Israel's 'street apartheid'
Anti-Imperialist News
news at freedomarchives.org
Tue Jul 13 11:23:58 EDT 2010
Israel's 'street apartheid'
By Mya Guarnieri
http://english.aljazeera.net/focus/2010/07/20107101335494763.html
Saturday, July 10, 2010
Mahmoud Alami, a Jerusalem taxi driver, knows the city like the back
of his hand. He knows the neighbourhoods, the streets. And he knows
the stop lights.
There is one in particular that troubles him not professionally but
personally. It stands between Beit Hanina, a Palestinian
neighbourhood, and Pisgaat Zeev, a Jewish settlement.
"It stays green for [settlers] for five minutes. But to go in and out
of Beit Hanina? Only two or three cars can pass," Alami says. "It's
too short. It causes a lot of traffic jams."
Al Jazeera found that stoplights that lead to Jewish settlements and
neighbourhoods stay green for an average of a minute and a half. In
Palestinian areas, it's 20 seconds. One light in predominantly Arab
East Jerusalem is green for less than 10 seconds.
"[Palestinians] are stuck," says Amir Daud, another taxi driver. "It
reflects a very bad situation for the people."
Budgetary discrimination
[]
Roads are poorly maintained in many Palestinian areas [GETTY]
Traffic jams are just one of the many problems that plague
infrastructure and services in Palestinian areas of Jerusalem. Roads
are poorly maintained. They are narrow and bumpy, riddled with cracks
and potholes. Street signs and sidewalks are almost non-existent.
Trash containers are usually communal and there are often too few to
meet the needs of the neighbourhood. Pedestrians, forced to walk on
the shoulder of the road, wade through garbage.
Jewish neighbourhoods and settlements, on the other hand, are neat
and orderly. Sidewalks and traffic circles keep pedestrians safe;
roads are well-marked, some with lit signs. Most buildings have a
garbage bin and the streets are free of litter.
In one Jewish area, a grassy median is adorned with a rainbow
assortment of decorative sculptures - metal children playing, kicking
footballs, and riding bikes.
When Al Jazeera presented a list detailing the differences between
Jewish and Arab neighbourhoods to the Jerusalem municipality, the
spokesperson denied the findings.
But, speaking on the condition of anonymity, a former employee of the
Jerusalem municipality confirmed that there is discrimination on a
budgetary level. The sports department offers the most dramatic
example - only 0.5 per cent of funds are allocated to Palestinian
neighbourhoods. The other 99.5 per cent goes to Jewish areas.
Quality of life
Nisreen Alyan, an attorney at the Association for Civil Rights in
Israel (ACRI), has recently filed a petition protesting against the
lack of garbage collection in the Palestinian neighbourhood of Tsur
Baher, located in East Jerusalem. Despite a population of 20,000,
only 12 streets receive the service.
This impacts both health and the quality of life, Alyan explains.
Stray dogs, some carrying rabies, are attracted to the piles of
trash. Residents have been attacked by the animals. And now children
are afraid to go outside.
"There are no public gardens for them, they don't have anything,"
Alyan says. "So these streets are the only place for the cars, for
the children, for the garbage, for the dogs, for everything."
The petition ACRI has filed asks the municipality to meet its legal
responsibility, "nothing less, nothing more," Alyan says. "[This]
means that they have to give [the residents] the right of sanitation."
Alyan has informed the city of Tsur Baher's troubles in the past. But
the city claims it cannot serve the whole neighbourhood because
garbage trucks cannot maneuver the small streets. Alyan points out
that this should not be an obstacle. The municipality has found
creative solutions in other parts of Jerusalem.
The streets in Tsur Baher are problematic, one resident explains.
There are not enough of them.
While most Palestinian neighbourhoods are subject to building
restrictions, Tsur Baher is one of the few that is free to build.
Much of their land has been appropriated by a neighbouring
settlement, Har Homa; some is on the other side of the Israeli-built
separation barrier; and there is no infrastructure to reach what is left.
The lack of roads also means that emergency services cannot access
all parts of the neighbourhood. Children have died in house fires.
And because of a police order that prohibits ambulances from entering
Palestinian neighbourhoods without a police escort residents have
died waiting for medical care.
"The problem is that the policemen don't come in time," a resident
says. "The ambulance is stopped waiting at the top of the
neighbourhood for half an hour .... People have died in this situation."
"[ACRI is] writing another petition about it now," Alyan adds.
Paying taxes
[]
Lack of infrastructure leaves Palestinians feeling disconnected [EPA]
Asked about traffic lights in Tsur Baher, Alyan answers that there are none.
Out of concern for the children's safety, the residents scraped
together the money to add speed bumps to the roads.
In other neighbourhoods, Palestinians have pooled funds to pay for
garbage collection and street sweeping.
This is after they have paid taxes.
Because over 90 per cent of Israel's Palestinians live in towns
separate from the Jewish population, many Israeli Jews excuse away
the differences between Arab and Jewish areas with a "poor
municipality" argument.
They are poor, their towns are poor. Arabs do not pay a lot of taxes,
or enough taxes, or any taxes at all, Israeli Jews say, so their
villages cannot afford the same services they enjoy.
But that reasoning falls apart in Jerusalem, a city striped with
Palestinian and Jewish areas. And with Nof Tzion (Zion View), a
Jewish settlement found smack in the centre of Jabel Mukhaber, a
Palestinian neighbourhood, the differences are glaringly obvious.
"For years, [Jabel Mukhaber] didn't have a main street," Alyan says.
"Just after they built Nof Tzion, [the municipality] built a very
fine street with pavement and lights." But the road stops dead after
Nof Tzion. It gets bumpy, dropping off into gravel, then dirt, for
the Palestinians.
The "poor municipality" argument does not hold weight in Jerusalem
for another reason. To the city's Palestinians, who have only
residency and no citizenship, paying taxes is tremendously important.
"If you won't pay your taxes, you won't have proof that east
Jerusalem is the centre of your life and if you can't prove that, you
will lose your residency," Alyan explains. This means that one
becomes stateless, a refugee.
"Before [Palestinian residents of Jerusalem] find money to feed their
children, they pay their taxes," Alyan says.
Tsur Baher, along with neighbouring Umm Tuba, pays approximately $7mn
in taxes annually to a municipality they do not get to vote for. East
Jerusalem residents tell Alyan that they just want the government to
invest what they have paid back into the neighbourhoods.
'Psychological warfare'
Yousef Jabareen, the director of Dirasat, the Arab Centre for Law and
Policy, explains that public services are also funded on the national
level. This is another point of inequality.
Jabareen points to the "National Priority" programme that gave
economic incentives to government-selected areas. When the programme
was introduced in 1998, 500 Jewish towns received national priority
status. While Palestinians make up nearly 20 per cent of Israel's
population, and half of the nation's poor, only four Arab villages
were selected.
"That was a classic example of how the allocation of government
resources is discriminatory," Jabareen says, adding that grave
inequalities can be found in the state-funded educational system as well.
Everything - from the poor conditions of the infrastructure to the
lack of public services - adds up to leave Palestinians feeling
rejected and disconnected, Jabareen says.
"It's a feeling of frustration and of not belonging .... That the
government and state is excluding you and you are not counted as an equal."
Do the disparities in Jerusalem's neighbourhoods and the differences
in funding throughout the nation amount to apartheid?
"In some areas you could identify some characteristics of apartheid
that should raise a lot of concern about the future," Jabareen comments.
A young Israeli Jew, fresh from army service, simply remarks, "It's a
kind of psychological warfare. The idea is to get [Palestinians] to leave."
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