[News] Benighted Journalists Assail Haiti
Anti-Imperialist News
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Fri Feb 12 12:08:18 EST 2010
Benighted Journalists Assail Haiti
By <http://www.zcommunications.org/zspace/joeemersberger>Joe Emersberger
http://canuckmediamonitor.org/forums/index.php?showtopic=350&st=0#entry499
Friday, February 12, 2010
Decent people in North America have tried to help
Haitians after the devastating earthquake that
struck on January 12, but the corporate media has
left them unequipped to do one of the most
helpful things they can do - oppose their
governments' efforts to inflict more harm on the
victims under the cover of disaster relief. If it
seems paranoid to claim that Canada and the US
will use the earthquake to further set back
development and democracy, it is only because the
criminal role they have played in Haiti has been very effectively hidden.
The Economics of Mass Murder
German playwright Bertolt Brecht wrote that "In
democratic countries the violent character
inherent in the economy doesn't show itself; in
authoritarian countries the same holds for the
economic character of the violence"[1]
With Brecht's words in mind, consider that under
the dictatorship of Jean Claude Duvalier ("Baby
Doc"), Haiti became the ninth largest assembler
of manufactured goods for the US market. His
regime kept wages attractively low to foreign
investors through mass murder. By the mid 1980s
wages were also kept low through the destruction
of Haiti's agricultural economy. US imports began
to flood the Haitian market, ruining its farmers
and driving them into urban areas, especially
Port-au-Prince, in search of any work they could
find. The mass exodus from the countryside also
led people to live in shantytowns where they are
vulnerable to the impact of hurricanes and earthquakes. [2]
The Duvalier regimes were responsible for the
murder of about 50,000 people. That does not
include those who died preventable deaths from
malnutrition and disease as a direct result of
polices designed to enrich a small Haitian elite
and foreign multinationals like Disney.[3]
The Duvalierist model of "development" eventually
generated so much opposition within Haiti that it
became unsustainable with Duvaliers in charge. In
1986, Baby Doc fled Haiti. In 1990 Jean Bertrand
Aristide won Haiti's first free elections. Though
the Duvaliers were gone, "Duvalierism without
Duvalier" has been the objective of Haitian elite
and their foreign allies since 1990. Lavalas,
Aristide's movement of the poor, despite its
modest objectives, posed a serious threat to Duvalierism.
Twice, in 1991 and 2004, democratically elected
governments in Haiti led by Aristide have been
overthrown in US backed coups that led to the
murder of thousands of his supporters. US
governments (and their allies in Canada and
France who helped out with the 2004 coup) are
much like the Mafia. The Godfather has long
decided that Haiti will offer some of the world's
lowest wages to multinational corporations like
Disney, Levi Strauss and Gilden Activeware. Haiti
may be the smallest shopkeeper in the US
neighborhood, but no competent Mafia Don lets the
smallest shopkeeper defy him. [4]
Burying the Past and the Present
It is impossible to rationally assess foreign
intervention in Haiti - present or future -
without discussing to the two coups against
Aristide's governments in 1991 and 2004. With
numerous ideas being floated in the press about
how to "fix", "rebuild" and even "re-imagine"
Haiti, it's instructive to look at how often the
coups were mentioned in articles written after the earthquake.
Between January 12 and February 6, according to
Lexis Nexis, the words "Aristide" and "coup"
appear in only 6.4% of the articles about Haiti
in the major English newspapers (8% in the case
of Canada's five largest newspapers). None of the
articles that mention "Aristide" and "coup" in
Canada's major newspapers were editorials. In
contrast, two editorials (in the Globe & Mail,
January 14 and Montreal Gazette, January 16)
approvingly mentioned Paul Collier, a World Bank
economist and leading proponent of the
Duvalierist economic polices described above. Collier has written
"Haiti has labor costs that are fully competitive
with China, which is the global benchmark.
Haitian labor is not only cheap, it is of good
quality. Indeed, because the garments industry
used to be much larger than it is currently [my
emphasis], there is a substantial pool of experienced labor."[5]
Just don't ask how wages will be kept appalling
low or how they got that way. Collier's
cheerleaders in the press ignore the violence
that has always been required in Haiti for
Collier's, hardly novel and untested, "suggestions" to be implemented.
Even those rare articles that mentioned the coups
against Aristide usually regurgitated the version
of events offered by the US and Canadian
governments. A good example of the standard
whitewash appeared in an article written by
Geoffrey York for the Toronto Globe and Mail
("Exiled Aristide bidding to come home", January 16, 2010). [6]
I wrote to Geoffrey York about his article and
pointed out facts that, judging by his article,
he was completely unaware of. York replied, and a
lengthier exchange ensued than I have ever had with a corporate journalist.
The full exchange can be read here
<http://canuckmediamonitor.org/forums/index.php?showtopic=325>http://canuckmediamonitor.org/forums/index.php?showtopic=325
One of the things York said in defense of his
work was that "brevity" forced him to leave
things out. This is how York summarized recent Haitian history in his article:
"He was elected president in a landslide victory
in 1990, but was overthrown in a military coup in
1991.After years of exile in Venezuela and the
United States, he was reinstated to power in 1994
with the help of heavy pressure from the U.S.
government, including the deployment of 20,000 troops.
In 2000, he won election again, but human-rights
groups criticized his campaign for using violence
and intimidation. Opposition parties boycotted
the election and refused to recognize his victory.
Over the next four years his government was
plagued by protests against human-rights abuses,
corruption, economic woes and high unemployment.
His armed supporters were accused of attacking
journalists and political opponents.
The anti-government protests intensified in 2004
and turned violent, and Mr. Aristide was forced
to flee the country. He later complained that he
was 'kidnapped' and bundled onto a U.S. airplane
by U.S. security agents. He was flown to the
Central African Republic and later to South
Africa, where the government gave him a villa in Pretoria."
Using an equal number of words (just as much
"brevity") Geoffrey York could have written the following:
"In 1990, after decades of dictatorship
bankrolled by Washington, Haitians voted in their
first free presidential election. The winner,
Jean Bertrand Aristide, was quickly deposed in a
US backed coup. Bill Clinton ordered the regime
to resign in 1994 but insisted that Aristide's
years in exile count as years served in office
and that Aristide implement policies favored by
the Haitian elite. Clinton ensured that
perpetrators of the coup escaped justice or
remained employed in Haiti's security forces.
From 1995-2002, the US spent 70 million dollars
on strengthening Aristide's opponents. Aristide
was elected again in 2000. His opponents used the
international media to spread baseless
allegations of electoral fraud, human rights
abuses and corruption. The US and Canada imposed
a crippling aid embargo. Aristide says he was
kidnapped by US troops in 2004. The US blocked
efforts by the Caribbean Community and the
African Union to bring about an investigation.
During 2004-2006, under a US (and Canadian)
backed dictatorship, thousands of Aristide's supporters were murdered."
No doubt, the need for brevity forces a reporter
to over simply things, to leave out supporting
facts and arguments that, ideally, would be
included. For example, among other things, the
two preceding paragraphs do not say enough about
Canada's complicity with the 2004 coup. Canadian
troops secured the airport as US troops took
Aristide out of Haiti. Canada oversaw the Haitian
judiciary as it filled Haitian jails with
political prisoners. A Canadian government funded
"human rights group" (RNDDH) spearheaded the
campaign to criminalize any association with Aristide's government. [7]
However, the need for brevity (in and of itself)
does not force anyone to regurgitate government
spin. This is trivially obvious, but anyone who
has corresponded with journalists knows that
"brevity", "concision", or "lack of space" is
constantly invoked by journalists as an excuse
for parroting establishment views.
Geoffrey York also pointed out to me that he is
based in Johannesburg and covers sub-Saharan
Africa after spending years in China and Russia.
This is very important because it means his
research about Haiti consisted of reviewing of
corporate press reports. It would have been
miraculous if York had written differently than
he did putting aside other constraints if he
relied on the corporate media.
There are a few corporate journalists who have
broken with the pack in their reporting on Haiti.
Two examples, which I pointed out to York, are
Andrew Buncombe and Andy Kershaw of the UK
Independent. Their work stands apart because
they've looked beyond establishment friendly
sources for information, but their work is so
rare that anyone would almost have to know about
it in advance in order to find it. Even the
liberal newspaper Buncombe and Kershaw work for
has taken editorial positions as blinkered and
reactionary as one can find in the right wing
press - virtually applauding the coup in Haiti in
2004 and openly cheering the one in Honduras in 2009. [8]
Another one of the few articles to mention coups
against Aristide was one written by Peggy Curran
for the Montréal Gazette ("How Haiti Lost its
Way", January 30). Curran's article was over
three thousand words long, so brevity would be an
especially feeble excuse for her distortions of history.
She wrote about the brutality of the Duvaliers
but not about the crucial support they received
from the US. She even cast the Reaganites as
heroes who pressured Jean Claude Duvalier to flee
Haiti in 1986. The US did finally cut Duvalier
loose - and immediately transferred support to
his military henchmen. In the first year after
Duvalier fled, the Haitian military government,
generously funded by the US, openly killed more
protestors than Jean Claude Duvalier did in fifteen years.[9]
Of the 1991 coup, Curran merely wrote that
Aristide was "returned to power with the help of
U.S. troops in 1994 after his first term was interrupted for three years,"
The three year "interruption" was a bloodbath
sponsored by the US that left 4000 people
murdered, thousands tortured, and hundreds of
thousands driven into hiding. Emmanuel Constant,
one of the key ringleaders, was on the CIA
payroll and was protected from deportation to
Haiti for years by the Clinton Administration. [10]
Curran wrote of the 2004 coup that deposed Aristide's second government:
"...he, too, would be forced to flee, scuttled
onto a plane to nowhere, one more in a dismal
succession of failed leaders and abusive,
discredited régimes in a land seemingly forever doomed by its past."
If her characterization of Aristide were accurate
then Rene Preval's electoral victory in 2006 is
impossible to explain. Preval was not part of the
US and Canadian funded opposition to Aristide.
Preval's candidacy was violently opposed by
supporters of the coup, and, in contrast,
endorsed by prominent Aristide allies such as the
late Father Gerard Jean-Juste, and applauded by Aristide himself.[11]
I made many of these points in an email I sent to
Peggy Curran. She did not reply.
Securing Disaster and Reviving Colonialism
Yves Engler, a Canadian writer and activist,
recently pointed out that Haiti now has more
foreign troops on its soil per square mile than
Afghanistan or Iraq. [12] There is no war going
on, but if these troops were providing effective
assistance to the victims of the earthquake, then
their presence could be justified. The reality is
that the militarized relief effort has been a disgrace.
First hand accounts by independent journalists
(Kevin Pina, Amy Goodman, Ansel Herz), other
independent observers (Jim Quigley, Timothy
Schwatrz) and even some corporate journalists
(Mark Doyle of the BBC) have exposed the relief
efforts as "pathetic" (Doyle's evaluation). Peter
Hallward, in his essay entitled "Securing
Disaster", thoroughly reviewed the evidence that
justifies this assessment. [13]
As Hallward and others have argued, while the
militarized relief effort has done little for the
victims, it could help deal with "the
ever-nagging threat of popular political participation and empowerment".
Corporate pundits have not been shy about calling
for direct foreign control over Haiti. The
Economist stated uninhibitedly that "Some will
object that this would undermine a democratically
elected government. But there is not much left to undermine."[14]
The US occupied Haiti from 1915-1934. Future
trampling of Haitian sovereignty will require
historical editing of that occupation. Right on
cue, Peter Shawn Taylor, an editor-at-large of
the Canadian magazine, Macleans, stepped forward
with an article entitled "What we can learn form
the US Occupation of Haiti." (Globe and Mail, February 1)
Taylor wrote that the US occupation was a "golden
era" in Haitian history which "provides a
convenient frame of reference for what the rest
of the world can expect as it tries to rebuild
the benighted country." For readers who will have
to look up the word "benighted" (as I did), it
means "to be in a state of intellectual, moral,
or social darkness". Like all apologists for the
US occupation, Taylor raved about the building of
roads and other infrastructure.
I wrote to Taylor and pointed out facts his article ignored completely.
My full correspondence with Taylor can bee seen here
<http://canuckmediamonitor.org/forums/index.php?showtopic=341>http://canuckmediamonitor.org/forums/index.php?showtopic=341
The infrastructure Taylor wrote about was built
by reinstituting the "corvee" (slave labour)
which had not been used since 1863. US troops and
their Haitian collaborators killed 3,000 to
15,000 Caco rebels in order to pacify the country
(while sustaining only about 98 killed and
wounded themselves). Some historians say the
death toll for Haitians was higher. North
American firms grabbed 266,000 acres of Haitian
land by robbing 50,000 peasants of their land in
the north of Haiti alone. The US occupation also
left behind the modernized Haitian army which
would effectively continue the US occupation after it officially ended. [15]
Taylor replied to me by saying that
"
the 'Golden Era' for Haiti to which I was
referring was in regard to the amount of
infrastructure built during the US occupation".
He made no attempt to explain his silence about
slave labor or about the killing and
dispossession of tens of thousands of Haitians.
He wrote that he had been "thinking of mentioning
your point about the gendarmerie [the Haitian army], but ran out of space."
He ended his reply by asking
"Can you suggest any time period in which more
rapid development and modernization occurred in Haitian history?"
I answered his question as follows:
"Yes, under democratic rule between 1994-2000
more schools were built in Haiti than between
18041994. By 2003, literacy campaigns reduced
the illiteracy rate from 85% to 55%., infant
mortality declined from 125 deaths per 1000 to
110. The Haitian army was abolished. All of that
just scratches the surface of what was achieved
despite the efforts of the US over this period
(with Canada's enthusiastic help over the past
several years) to crush democracy in Haiti." [16]
I asked Taylor why he didn't look at what
Haitians achieved when they had a limited
opportunity to govern themselves - and suggest
that era, rather then the US occupation, as the template for moving forward.
He wrote back
"With respect to which period of time has seen
more development in Haiti, I think we are at a
stalemate. You cite some impressive evidence on
building schools from a pro-Aristide group
document, however even this paper shows that the
American-era saw the construction of more hospitals and clinics..".
.
Taylor closed by saying
"You may disagree with by perspective, but again,
that is a matter of opinion."
I replied again:
"I don't see a 'stalemate' when you consider that
between 1994-2003 the Haitian governments (under
both Aristide and Preval) were freely elected and
did not resort to the murder and dispossession of
tens of thousands of people or to the use of
slave labour - all of which the US did during the occupation.
It is shocking to have to make this point - again
- to a writer in the 21rst century with access to a large audience.
It comes down to values. A writer who glorifies a
brutal occupation through lies of omission does
not appear to value basic human rights or democracy."
Actually, it's possible that Peter Shawn Taylor
does values human rights and democracy - just not
for Haitians. That's an attitude that has proven
to be quite prevalent in the corporate media.
SUGGESTED ACTION(S)
1) If you haven't already, make a donation to one
the relief organizations recommended by the Canada Haiti Action Network (CHAN)
<http://canadahaitiaction.ca/>http://canadahaitiaction.ca/
2) Send polite, non-abusive emails to the following
( copy all letters and replies to Joe at canuckmedeiamonitor.org )
Peggy Curran
pcurran at thegazette.canwest.com
Montreal Gazette:
letters at thegazette.canwest.com
Toronto Star
lettertoed at thestar.ca
Toronto Globe & Mail
letters at GlobeAndMail.ca
3) Forward this alert far and wide
NOTES
[1] cited by Eduardo Galeano; "Open Veins of Latin America" pg 274
[2] see Paul Farmer's "Uses of Haiti" page 99,
291; also Peter Hallward's "Damming the flood" pages 5,6
[3] See Hallward's "Option Zero" essay
<http://www.zcommunications.org/option-zero-in-haiti-by-peter-hallward>http://www.zcommunications.org/option-zero...-peter-hallward
[4] The Haiti as small shopkeeper analogy was
used by Noam Chomsky in this 2007 interview
<http://www.haitianalysis.com/2007/1/15/godfather-and-the-small-storekeeper-chomsky-on-haiti>http://www.haitianalysis.com/2007/1/15/god...homsky-on-haiti
[5] Haiti: From Natural Catastrophe to Economic
Security: A Report for the Secretary-General of
the United Nations, Paul Collier, Department of
Economics, Oxford University, January 2009
In Haiti, the menu of policies Collier advocates
have, for decades, been derided as the "death plan".
[6] Rick Salutin and Gerald Caplan wrote articles
mentioning US wrong doing in Haiti. Caplan's was
quite hard hitting ("Some facts Stephen Harper
should have on Haiti, Globe & Mail", February 5,
2010) but both Caplan and Salutin said nothing
about Canada's deep complicity with US.
Janet Bagnall of the Montreal Gazette took the
same approach. My brief exchange with Bagnall is below
<http://canuckmediamonitor.org/forums/index.php?showtopic=339>http://canuckmediamonitor.org/forums/index.php?showtopic=339
Other correspondence with Canadian journalists
about Haiti and other topics can be read here
<http://canuckmediamonitor.org/forums/index.php?showforum=6>http://canuckmediamonitor.org/forums/index.php?showforum=6
[7] See "Canada in Haiti: Waging war on the poor
majority" by Yves Engler and Anthony Fenton
[8] Andrew Buncombe, "Discovered by Columbus,
built by France and wrecked by dictators"
<http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/americas/discovered-by-columbus-built-by-france-ndash-and-wrecked-by-dictators-1869513.html>http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/am...rs-1869513.html
Andy Kershaw; "Stop treating these people like savages."
<http://www.independent.co.uk/opinion/commentators/andy-kershaw-stop-treating-these-people-like-savages-1874218.html>http://www.independent.co.uk/opinion/comme...es-1874218.html
Independent Editorial; "At Last, The US joins
France to send Forces to Haiti", March 1, 2004
Independent Editorial; "Guns and Deomcracy" June 30, 2009
[9] See pg 109,110 of Paul Farmer's "Uses of Haiti"
[10] See my exchange my with Geoffrey York for
sources and discussion of HRW's reporting on Haiti
<http://canuckmediamonitor.org/forums/index.php?showtopic=325>http://canuckmediamonitor.org/forums/index.php?showtopic=325
[11] On Father Gerard Jean-Juste's endorsement of Preval see
AP: February 6, 2006 Monday "Haitian priest urges
vote for Preval in Haiti election"
See also Hallward's interview with Aristide in "Damming the Flood"
[12] Yves Engler made the point at the following
talk
<http://www.cctv.org/watch-tv/programs/catastrophe-haiti-natural-and-unnatural-disaster>http://www.cctv.org/watch-tv/programs/cata...atural-disaster
[13] Kevin Pina's reports from Haiti can be accessed here
<http://www.flashpoints.net/>http://www.flashpoints.net/
Blog reports from Haiti by Ansel Haerz can be accessed here
<http://www.mediahacker.org/>http://www.mediahacker.org/
For Amy Goodman's reports see
<http://www.democracynow.org/2010/1/19/haiti_is_shaken_to_the_core>http://www.democracynow.org/2010/1/19/hait...ken_to_the_core
See Hallward; "Securing Disaster" for other
sources
<http://www.zcommunications.org/securing-disaster-in-haiti-by-peter-hallward>http://www.zcommunications.org/securing-di...-peter-hallward
[14] (Economist, January 23, A plan for Haiti; After the earthquake)
[15] See "Uses of Haiti" pg 82-85; "Damming the Flood" pg 14
[16] The source I cited about the 1994-2003 era
in my exchange with Taylor was the following
<http://www.teledyol.net/WWNF/wwnf.pdf>http://www.teledyol.net/WWNF/wwnf.pdf
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